For Immediate Release
5 December 2009
Migrante-Middle East, an alliance of overseas Filipino workers’ organizations in the Middle East today said the impending declaration of martial law placing Maguindanao under military rule is uncalled for.
“The noise that Mrs. Arroyo will place Maguindanao province under military rule upon declaration of martial law starting on Sunday, if it is true, is un-called for and a very risky decision to be made by Mrs. Arroyo, unless there could be hidden agenda that necessitates its declaration of martial rule in Maguindanao,” said John Leonard Monterona, Migrante-Middle East regional coordinator.
Monterona opined there could be no legal basis on declaring martial law and placing Maguindanao province under military rule.
“The Constitutional requirements declaring martial law or placing the Philippines or part thereof under military rule is very clear and specific; the 1987 Constitution states martial law could only be imposed “In case of invasion or rebellion, when the public safety requires it,” Monterona averred.
Monterona said though there are part of Maguindanao province considered fragile in terms of the peace and order situation such as in Sharif Aguak, Ampatuan Municipality, and adjacent places; however it does not warrant declaration of martial law.
“The fragile peace and order situation in some parts of Maguindanao is an expected off-shot due to the Ampatuan massacre that puts the country into the international spotlight, and if this should be made to be the basis of Mrs. Arroyo’s martial law declaration, then we should question the legal basis of its imposition,” Monterona added.
However, Monterona opined what necessitates the Arroyo regime for imposing martial law in Maguindanao could be seen as desperate attempt to cover and to contain the massive electoral fraud allegedly it has committed, courtesy of the Ampatuans, who might 'spill the beans' of collaborated electoral fraud they and the Arroyos committed.
The Ampatuans are Mrs. Arroyo’s close political allies who have delivered votes for her and the entire administrations ticket on May 2007 elections zeroing even the popular actor opposition Presidential candidate Fernando Poe Jr. in some municipalities of Maguindanao.
“As per reports by the media, with arms and ammunitions dug nearby the Ampatuan house are election paraphernalia that might reveal something related to the alleged massive election fraud,” Monterona averred.
Monterona explained this led Migrante to join the calls for Mrs. Arroyo’s resignation as she will be running for a Congressional seat while at the same time a sitting President which undoubtedly she will take advantage of her presidential power and prerogatives using the government’s machinery to advance her own candidacy and entire administration’s ticket; “This is Mrs. Arroyo’s first move to stay in power and push changing the 1987 Constitution in line to the wishes of her US imperialist master,” the OFW-leader continued.
“OFWs abroad and their families in the homeland will not allow the illegal and immoral declaration of martial law left unquestioned, uncontested, and un-protested even though it will only covers the Maguindanao province as it is intended only to cover and to contain the massive electoral fraud the Arroyo administration committed, courtesy of the Ampatuans, to prevent the damage it will bring once it becomes open to the public,” Monterona ended. # # #
For reference:
John Leonard Monterona
Migrante Middle-East Regional Coordinator
Mobile No.: 00966 564 97 8012
Saturday, December 05, 2009
Friday, December 04, 2009
Clinging to Reins of Power
Streetwise
By Carol Pagaduan-Araullo
Her term ending in June 2010, de facto president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo finally filed her candidacy as congresswoman in the second district of Pampanga, her hometown, ending all speculation that she would seek the post. The prevarication and manipulation that preceded it, the orchestrated “clamor” for her to run and the barrage of legal, religious and political justifications for a sitting president, with all the unfair and undue advantage of her office, to seek a congressional seat – all clearly point to a vile scheme to keep the Arroyo-Ermita-Gonzales clique in power beyond 2010.
The members of the Arroyo cabal have managed to escape accountability by stretching, distorting and mangling to previously unimaginable lengths not only the laws of the land but every single norm of decency, propriety and morality. They have displayed to all and sundry - at the expense of the Filipino people - what one can do with a decaying social and political system to gain, expand and preserve power, wealth and privilege.
The Arroyo clique has been close to a decade in power. It has gotten away with stealing the 2004 presidential elections; with declaring emergency rule and cracking down on the protest movement demanding Arroyo’s ouster; and with scams to amass mind-boggling wealth together with the gagging of witnesses by invoking “executive privilege” (a trick upheld by a Supreme Court packed with Arroyo appointees).
It has masterminded, through Oplan Bantay Laya, the summary executions of critics and unarmed dissidents and displaced tens of thousands of civilians in the name of countering “terrorism” and “insurgency”. It has deliberately sustained warlordism and the concomitant reign of lawless terror in the countryside in order to “multiply” the capacity of the military, police and paramilitary forces in waging a US-directed “dirty war” against the restive populace. The recent massacre perpetrated by the Ampatuans in Maguindanao is only the latest and so far worst atrocity brought about by the Arroyo culture of state-sponsored violence and impunity.
It has driven the economy and the people’s livelihood to the ground by blindly following the neoliberal “globalization” policy framework. It has persisted in implementing the debt-driven, export-oriented and foreign investment-led economic model that has consistently failed to bring about genuine development but instead worsened the grinding poverty, want and misery of the people.
Not least of its sins is that, in exchange for continued United States backing for its illegitimate rule, it allows the world’s Superpower to establish an unwarranted, illegal and downright interventionist military presence on Philippine soil. In so doing, the Arroyo regimes has undermined the rights and welfare of Filipinos in their own country especially victims of military operations and crimes committed by US forces.
The clamor to put an end to the Arroyo regime is clearly overwhelming. Most have pinned their hopes in the coming elections, believing there is no way Arroyo and her gang can hold on to the presidency beyond June 2010.
This is deja vu circa 1971-72, when the Marcos presidency was about to reach the end of its constitutional term. Ferdinand Marcos orchestrated a series of incidents, from the Plaza Miranda bombing in 1971 to the fake ambush on then Defense Secretary Enrile on the eve of the declaration of martial law, to justify the perpetuation of his rule as martial law dictator.
Recent history and current circumstances tell us that whether or not elections take place, the Arroyo clique will still be in a position to retain power. Mrs. Arroyo may appear to have "graciously stepped down" from the presidency by running for a congressional seat, but she still has sufficient de facto control and political clout to catapult herself back in power.
The administration machinery, with all the ill-gotten wealth and the military and police establishments behind it, will certainly be utilized once more to realize the electoral "victory" of Arroyo followers at all levels (congress and local government). With such notorious characters as Garci, Bolante, Abalos off the hook and living now in even greater comfort, how many more scams and millions of votes can this machinery produce for these coming "elections"?
Moreover, the Arroyo clique has the ability, resources and the strong motivation to disrupt the electoral process itself, declare a failure of elections en toto or selectively, and resort to emergency rule anytime it estimates that this is necessary to ensure its hold on power.
The apparent complacency and cavalier attitude of the COMELEC towards addressing the gargantuan and critical problems in implementing the Automated Elections System is not at all reassuring. The entire system appears to be designed to fail and is indeed headed for failure.
We cannot allow the Arroyo gang to succeed with its evil design to remain in power. We cannot wait until after the elections to unmask, resist and defeat such a horrendous plot that portends to be even worse than the palace coup that imposed fascist rule under the Marcos dictatorship.
The broad array of anti-Arroyo forces and personages must awaken to the real and malevolent threat that the Arroyo clique presents to any semblance of a democratic electoral exercise in 2010 while recognizing the basic defects in the ruling system that breeds such evil.
Despite the substantial differences and the divergent campaigns being waged by the opposition candidates for national and local offices, a way must be found to unite once more and face the menace of an Arroyo regime entrenching itself in Malacañang for years to come.
Opposing the Arroyo gang's bid to perpetuate itself in power is the necessary first step to bringing about genuine reforms in our society.#
By Carol Pagaduan-Araullo
Her term ending in June 2010, de facto president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo finally filed her candidacy as congresswoman in the second district of Pampanga, her hometown, ending all speculation that she would seek the post. The prevarication and manipulation that preceded it, the orchestrated “clamor” for her to run and the barrage of legal, religious and political justifications for a sitting president, with all the unfair and undue advantage of her office, to seek a congressional seat – all clearly point to a vile scheme to keep the Arroyo-Ermita-Gonzales clique in power beyond 2010.
The members of the Arroyo cabal have managed to escape accountability by stretching, distorting and mangling to previously unimaginable lengths not only the laws of the land but every single norm of decency, propriety and morality. They have displayed to all and sundry - at the expense of the Filipino people - what one can do with a decaying social and political system to gain, expand and preserve power, wealth and privilege.
The Arroyo clique has been close to a decade in power. It has gotten away with stealing the 2004 presidential elections; with declaring emergency rule and cracking down on the protest movement demanding Arroyo’s ouster; and with scams to amass mind-boggling wealth together with the gagging of witnesses by invoking “executive privilege” (a trick upheld by a Supreme Court packed with Arroyo appointees).
It has masterminded, through Oplan Bantay Laya, the summary executions of critics and unarmed dissidents and displaced tens of thousands of civilians in the name of countering “terrorism” and “insurgency”. It has deliberately sustained warlordism and the concomitant reign of lawless terror in the countryside in order to “multiply” the capacity of the military, police and paramilitary forces in waging a US-directed “dirty war” against the restive populace. The recent massacre perpetrated by the Ampatuans in Maguindanao is only the latest and so far worst atrocity brought about by the Arroyo culture of state-sponsored violence and impunity.
It has driven the economy and the people’s livelihood to the ground by blindly following the neoliberal “globalization” policy framework. It has persisted in implementing the debt-driven, export-oriented and foreign investment-led economic model that has consistently failed to bring about genuine development but instead worsened the grinding poverty, want and misery of the people.
Not least of its sins is that, in exchange for continued United States backing for its illegitimate rule, it allows the world’s Superpower to establish an unwarranted, illegal and downright interventionist military presence on Philippine soil. In so doing, the Arroyo regimes has undermined the rights and welfare of Filipinos in their own country especially victims of military operations and crimes committed by US forces.
The clamor to put an end to the Arroyo regime is clearly overwhelming. Most have pinned their hopes in the coming elections, believing there is no way Arroyo and her gang can hold on to the presidency beyond June 2010.
This is deja vu circa 1971-72, when the Marcos presidency was about to reach the end of its constitutional term. Ferdinand Marcos orchestrated a series of incidents, from the Plaza Miranda bombing in 1971 to the fake ambush on then Defense Secretary Enrile on the eve of the declaration of martial law, to justify the perpetuation of his rule as martial law dictator.
Recent history and current circumstances tell us that whether or not elections take place, the Arroyo clique will still be in a position to retain power. Mrs. Arroyo may appear to have "graciously stepped down" from the presidency by running for a congressional seat, but she still has sufficient de facto control and political clout to catapult herself back in power.
The administration machinery, with all the ill-gotten wealth and the military and police establishments behind it, will certainly be utilized once more to realize the electoral "victory" of Arroyo followers at all levels (congress and local government). With such notorious characters as Garci, Bolante, Abalos off the hook and living now in even greater comfort, how many more scams and millions of votes can this machinery produce for these coming "elections"?
Moreover, the Arroyo clique has the ability, resources and the strong motivation to disrupt the electoral process itself, declare a failure of elections en toto or selectively, and resort to emergency rule anytime it estimates that this is necessary to ensure its hold on power.
The apparent complacency and cavalier attitude of the COMELEC towards addressing the gargantuan and critical problems in implementing the Automated Elections System is not at all reassuring. The entire system appears to be designed to fail and is indeed headed for failure.
We cannot allow the Arroyo gang to succeed with its evil design to remain in power. We cannot wait until after the elections to unmask, resist and defeat such a horrendous plot that portends to be even worse than the palace coup that imposed fascist rule under the Marcos dictatorship.
The broad array of anti-Arroyo forces and personages must awaken to the real and malevolent threat that the Arroyo clique presents to any semblance of a democratic electoral exercise in 2010 while recognizing the basic defects in the ruling system that breeds such evil.
Despite the substantial differences and the divergent campaigns being waged by the opposition candidates for national and local offices, a way must be found to unite once more and face the menace of an Arroyo regime entrenching itself in Malacañang for years to come.
Opposing the Arroyo gang's bid to perpetuate itself in power is the necessary first step to bringing about genuine reforms in our society.#
Thursday, November 26, 2009
Arroyo Administration’s Policy of Extra-judicial Killings, Patronage Politics Paved the Way for Maguindanao massacre
Pagbabago! People's Movement for Change
PRESS STATEMENT / 26 November 2009
Reference: Ms Bibeth Orteza (Pagbabago! spokesperson) Mobile 0917.7913132
The Pagbabago! People’s Movement for Change joins the nation in denouncing in the strongest possible terms the brutal massacre in the province of Maguindanao. We denounce even further the apparent lack of swift action and serious effort on the part of Malacañang and the Philippine National Police (PNP) to go after the perpetrators of the worst election-related violence in the country’s history.
We demand justice for the victims and their families and this means not only arresting those directly responsible for the mass slaughter of unarmed civilians. For us, justice entails making liable all those responsible for creating the climate of impunity that has allowed the gross violation of human rights to persist and for local warlords like the Ampatuan clan to do as they please without fear of retribution from the law. For this, we hold the Arroyo administration accountable as well for the gruesome killing of at least 52 people including women, journalists, and lawyers in Maguindanao.
The Arroyo administration is the biggest warlord in this country, employing the AFP and the PNP as its own private army. Its policy and practice of extra-judicial killings and political repression of perceived enemies using the State’s security forces, machinery, and resources and then covering them up has obviously emboldened the Ampatuans to kill at whim their own political foes in Maguindanao as they had against relatives and supporters of the rival Mangudadatus, the lawyers and media people with them, and even motorists who happened to tail the convoy.
For a long time, the Arroyo administration has lavished the Ampatuans with favors such as allowing it to maintain a huge private army, including AFP-led CAFGUs which the warlord clan used to expand and further entrench its political dynasty in the region. We note that it was Arroyo’s Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) that initiated in 2006 the arming of so-called civilian volunteers in Mindanao purportedly for protection against Moro separatist rebels. This was used to legitimize the private armies of favored warlords such as the Ampatuans. These are the same armed civilian volunteers, reportedly with local police officers and armymen, who carried out the Maguindanao massacre. According to the Mangundadatos, the PNP had turned down their request for police escort in going to the COMELEC offices on that day.
This is the same private army that the Ampatuans used to terrorize the people during national elections and assure victory in the province for the Arroyo administration.
It is not a secret that the Arroyo administration owes a big political debt to the Ampatuans. This clan ensured Mrs. Arroyo wouldl get the margin she asked for against rival Fernando Poe Jr. in the fraudulent 2004 presidential elections. This clan also delivered an unbelievable 12-0 victory for the administration’s Team Unity senatorial ticket in the 2007 polls. Undoubtedly, the administration will once again utilize to the hilt the Ampatuans to give its presidential bet Gilbert Teodoro the boost he badly needs in next year’s presidential elections.
No amount of distancing and hand washing can absolve the Arroyo administration from culpability for allowing the Maguindano massacre to happen. We are further enraged that the immediate response of Malacañang has been minisculecompared to what the incensed public demands and what justice dictates, which is for the state security forces to immediately take custody of the Ampatuan family member directly implicated in the massacre for questioning, disarm the Ampatuan private army, and relieve from their posts all AFP and PNP officials responsible for securing peace and order in the area. The declaration of a state of emergency in the province does not address the basic problem that until now, despite positive identification of who the killers are, not a single arrest or even questioning by the police has been made. What we have seen so far despite strong words of condemnation not only in the Philippines but from the international community as well is a government handling with kid gloves a reliable political ally.
We call on all Filipino people who value life, justice, democracy, and accountability of public officials to pressure the Arroyo administration to act swiftly and bring justice for the victims of the Maguindanao massacre and their families. We call on the people to once and for all end the climate of impunity for human rights violators and mass murderers that has pervaded in the country under the Arroyo administration. #
PRESS STATEMENT / 26 November 2009
Reference: Ms Bibeth Orteza (Pagbabago! spokesperson) Mobile 0917.7913132
The Pagbabago! People’s Movement for Change joins the nation in denouncing in the strongest possible terms the brutal massacre in the province of Maguindanao. We denounce even further the apparent lack of swift action and serious effort on the part of Malacañang and the Philippine National Police (PNP) to go after the perpetrators of the worst election-related violence in the country’s history.
We demand justice for the victims and their families and this means not only arresting those directly responsible for the mass slaughter of unarmed civilians. For us, justice entails making liable all those responsible for creating the climate of impunity that has allowed the gross violation of human rights to persist and for local warlords like the Ampatuan clan to do as they please without fear of retribution from the law. For this, we hold the Arroyo administration accountable as well for the gruesome killing of at least 52 people including women, journalists, and lawyers in Maguindanao.
The Arroyo administration is the biggest warlord in this country, employing the AFP and the PNP as its own private army. Its policy and practice of extra-judicial killings and political repression of perceived enemies using the State’s security forces, machinery, and resources and then covering them up has obviously emboldened the Ampatuans to kill at whim their own political foes in Maguindanao as they had against relatives and supporters of the rival Mangudadatus, the lawyers and media people with them, and even motorists who happened to tail the convoy.
For a long time, the Arroyo administration has lavished the Ampatuans with favors such as allowing it to maintain a huge private army, including AFP-led CAFGUs which the warlord clan used to expand and further entrench its political dynasty in the region. We note that it was Arroyo’s Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) that initiated in 2006 the arming of so-called civilian volunteers in Mindanao purportedly for protection against Moro separatist rebels. This was used to legitimize the private armies of favored warlords such as the Ampatuans. These are the same armed civilian volunteers, reportedly with local police officers and armymen, who carried out the Maguindanao massacre. According to the Mangundadatos, the PNP had turned down their request for police escort in going to the COMELEC offices on that day.
This is the same private army that the Ampatuans used to terrorize the people during national elections and assure victory in the province for the Arroyo administration.
It is not a secret that the Arroyo administration owes a big political debt to the Ampatuans. This clan ensured Mrs. Arroyo wouldl get the margin she asked for against rival Fernando Poe Jr. in the fraudulent 2004 presidential elections. This clan also delivered an unbelievable 12-0 victory for the administration’s Team Unity senatorial ticket in the 2007 polls. Undoubtedly, the administration will once again utilize to the hilt the Ampatuans to give its presidential bet Gilbert Teodoro the boost he badly needs in next year’s presidential elections.
No amount of distancing and hand washing can absolve the Arroyo administration from culpability for allowing the Maguindano massacre to happen. We are further enraged that the immediate response of Malacañang has been minisculecompared to what the incensed public demands and what justice dictates, which is for the state security forces to immediately take custody of the Ampatuan family member directly implicated in the massacre for questioning, disarm the Ampatuan private army, and relieve from their posts all AFP and PNP officials responsible for securing peace and order in the area. The declaration of a state of emergency in the province does not address the basic problem that until now, despite positive identification of who the killers are, not a single arrest or even questioning by the police has been made. What we have seen so far despite strong words of condemnation not only in the Philippines but from the international community as well is a government handling with kid gloves a reliable political ally.
We call on all Filipino people who value life, justice, democracy, and accountability of public officials to pressure the Arroyo administration to act swiftly and bring justice for the victims of the Maguindanao massacre and their families. We call on the people to once and for all end the climate of impunity for human rights violators and mass murderers that has pervaded in the country under the Arroyo administration. #
Wednesday, November 11, 2009
'Apocalyptic Corruption'
The Philippine Star - Editorial
Updated November 11, 2009 12:00 AM
From 2001 to 2009, the government collected a total of P60.5 billion, paid by motorists as road users’ tax in the registration of vehicles. Under the law that created the tax, the money, administered by the Road Board, is supposed to be used exclusively for road maintenance and improvement of road drainage, the installation of traffic lights and road safety devices, and for air pollution control.
As the colossal flooding during storm “Ondoy” and typhoon “Pepeng” showed, the improvement of road drainage has been a joke. And driving around Metro Manila will quickly illustrate the lackadaisical enforcement of laws regulating vehicular emissions.
How was the P60.5 billion spent? The Commission on Audit reported that P332.64 million of the road tax, earmarked for the OYSTER or Out-of-School Youth Serving Towards Economic Recovery program, was transferred to the Philippine National Police. Why? Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago wants to know, and so does the public.
Santiago, who spearheaded a Senate probe into the use of the road tax, noted that the PNP is under the Department of the Interior and Local Government, whose head Ronaldo Puno happens to be the brother of former Road Board executive director Rodolfo Puno. Santiago also noted that in 2007, an election year, there was an “unusually large amount of allotments obligated” involving the road tax. She said the case involved “apocalyptic corruption.”
The apparent fund juggling could have been facilitated by the fact that the tax is not remitted by the collecting agency, the Land Transportation Office, to the National Treasury but deposited in special accounts under the supervision of the Road Board, whose ex officio chair is the secretary of public works and highways. On Monday night the Senate unanimously approved the filing of plunder and graft cases against Rodolfo Puno, Danilo Valero of the board and Hermogenes Ebdane Jr., who recently resigned from the public works department.
Beyond pursuing the prosecution of anyone who might have misused the multibillion-peso fund, lawmakers should also consider changing the system of handling the tax, in a way that would promote transparency and prevent its misuse. Such oversight mechanisms are needed as the tax continues to be collected and the temptation to misuse the funds increases as the 2010 elections approach.
Sunday, November 08, 2009
Letter/Appeal to the BOR Re: FMAB
Letter received by the Office of the Secretary of the University as dated, regarding the appeal of the union to review the BOR's approval to the Lease Contract between the University and the Daniel Mercado Medical Center on the proposed PGH Faculty Medical Arts Building (FMAB)in the light of the conditions and procedures prescribed by RA 9500 (UP Charter of 2008) on "disposition of the University's assets."
November 6, 2009
CHAIRMAN EMMANUEL Y. ANGELES; AND,
THE HONORABLE MEMBERS OF THE BOARD OF REGENTS
University of the Philippines
Dear Messrs/Mesdames:
Greetings from the All UP Workers Union – the recognized union for the Administrative Sector of the University!
This is an urgent request to the Honorable Members of the Board of Regents (BOR) to immediately remedy a serious oversight relative to the recent confirmation by the BOR of the Contract of Lease of the UP-PGH Faculty Medical Arts Building (FMAB) with the Daniel Mercado Medical Center in view of certain requirements set forth by Republic Act 9500 or “The University of the Philippines Charter of 2008” as follows:
“SEC 23. Safeguards on Asset Disposition. – The preservation of the value of the assets of the national university shall be of primordial consideration.
XXX
Notwithstanding the provision of this Act or any law to the contrary, the lease of more than five (5) years of the assets of the national university and any transactions referred to in Section 22 shall be subject to the following conditions and procedures:
a) xxx
b) The transactions shall be based on a multi-year comprehensive development plan, crafted and developed by qualified urban planning professionals having at least five (5) years experience, with prior consultations with and concurrence of third-party experts and duly approved by a majority vote of all the members of the Board;
c) xxx
d) In the case of two (2) failed biddings and negotiated transactions, if undertaken, the Board, when considering the approval of any such transaction, shall secure a fairness opinion report from an independent third-party body. This body shall have five (5) members, three (3) of which shall be nominated by the Bankers Association of the Philippines (BAP), Investment Houses Association of the Philippines (IHAP), Trust Officers Association of the Philippines, or the Financial Executive Institute of the Philippines (FINEX). Xxx
XXX
XXX
(e) If the contract or transaction involves an amount more than Fifty Million Pesos (P50,000,000.00), it shall be approved by three-fourths (3/4) of all the members of the Board: Provided, That the splitting of contracts, which is by breaking up a contract into smaller quantities or amounts or dividing contract implementation into artificial or arbitrary phases or subcontracts for the purpose of circumventing this provision, shall not be allowed. (Emphasis ours)
We believed that the Honorable Members of the BOR was ill-advised when rushed for the confirmation of the aforementioned Contract of Lease without considering these particular provisions of the new UP charter that took effect on June 2008.
To recall, the present contract was brought to the attention of the BOR only during its 1240th meeting on January 28, 2009 or six months after the effectivity of the new UP Charter. After signing the same on June 18, 2009, was brought for confirmation on its June 2009 meeting. While, the confirmation was only given on its August 2009 regular meeting, nothing in the minutes of the BOR meeting, showed that there exist discussions on the ramifications of the new UP Charter to the said contract, neither also when it was discussed again on its October 2009 meeting.
In view therefore of what we perceived as a patent violation of aforementioned provisions of the new UP charter, particularly items (b), (d) and (e) of Section 23 thereof, we are requesting for an immediate discussion of said matter in the November 2009 meeting of the BOR in order to satisfy the following:
1. A multi-year development plan by a qualified urban planning professional with at least five (5) years experience, and prior consultations with concurrence of third-party experts as required under item (b) of Section 23 of RA 9500;
2. A fairness opinion report by an independent third-party body. This body shall have five (5) members, three (3) of which shall be nominated by the Bankers Association of the Philippines (BAP), Investment Houses Association of the Philippines (IHAP), Trust Officers Association of the Philippines, or the Financial Executive Institute of the Philippines (FINEX as required under item (d) of Section 23 of RA 9500;
3. Approval/confirmation of the contract by ¾ of all the members of the Board of Regents as required under item (e) of Section 23 considering that the total amount of transaction for lease alone of P1,000,000 per month for the first five years of the 25-years lease period already amounted to P60,000,000 - far exceeded the P50,000,000 requirement set forth in said item (e). Further taking account of the estimated amount of the property of P40,000,000, the 10% increase or escalation of monthly rental starting on the 6th year as stated on the contract itself; and the estimated amount involved for the development of the said university property; the total transaction cost of the contract involved more than a billion pesos (P1,000,000,000) for the entire duration of the contract.
We are requesting finally for the immediate cancellation of the said contract until such time that the safeguards set forth by the UP Charter of 2008 (RA 9500) as stated in Section 23 thereof, have been meet and satisfied. We feared that the continued implementation of this contract in spite of its procedural infirmities would served as a precedent in future transactions of the University, forever tarnished the image of the University, especially the Board of Regents, and open a floodgate of legal actions all the way to the Supreme Court.
In the light of this new development, the Union is determined more than ever to institute measures to protect the interest of employees of the hospital/university that will be affected by the operation of a “private FMAB” within the PGH Compound, and; the interest of the Hospital, the University and the public - especially people’s health.
Very truly yours,
MR. BENJAMIN L. SANTOS, JR.
President, Manila Chapter
MR. JOSSEL I. EBESATE, RN
National Executive Vice President, and
Secretary, Manila Chapter
Copy furnished:
SENATOR LOREN B. LEGARDA
Chair, Senate Committee on Health
REP. SATUR O. OCAMPO
Bayan Muna Partylist
November 6, 2009
CHAIRMAN EMMANUEL Y. ANGELES; AND,
THE HONORABLE MEMBERS OF THE BOARD OF REGENTS
University of the Philippines
Dear Messrs/Mesdames:
Greetings from the All UP Workers Union – the recognized union for the Administrative Sector of the University!
This is an urgent request to the Honorable Members of the Board of Regents (BOR) to immediately remedy a serious oversight relative to the recent confirmation by the BOR of the Contract of Lease of the UP-PGH Faculty Medical Arts Building (FMAB) with the Daniel Mercado Medical Center in view of certain requirements set forth by Republic Act 9500 or “The University of the Philippines Charter of 2008” as follows:
“SEC 23. Safeguards on Asset Disposition. – The preservation of the value of the assets of the national university shall be of primordial consideration.
XXX
Notwithstanding the provision of this Act or any law to the contrary, the lease of more than five (5) years of the assets of the national university and any transactions referred to in Section 22 shall be subject to the following conditions and procedures:
a) xxx
b) The transactions shall be based on a multi-year comprehensive development plan, crafted and developed by qualified urban planning professionals having at least five (5) years experience, with prior consultations with and concurrence of third-party experts and duly approved by a majority vote of all the members of the Board;
c) xxx
d) In the case of two (2) failed biddings and negotiated transactions, if undertaken, the Board, when considering the approval of any such transaction, shall secure a fairness opinion report from an independent third-party body. This body shall have five (5) members, three (3) of which shall be nominated by the Bankers Association of the Philippines (BAP), Investment Houses Association of the Philippines (IHAP), Trust Officers Association of the Philippines, or the Financial Executive Institute of the Philippines (FINEX). Xxx
XXX
XXX
(e) If the contract or transaction involves an amount more than Fifty Million Pesos (P50,000,000.00), it shall be approved by three-fourths (3/4) of all the members of the Board: Provided, That the splitting of contracts, which is by breaking up a contract into smaller quantities or amounts or dividing contract implementation into artificial or arbitrary phases or subcontracts for the purpose of circumventing this provision, shall not be allowed. (Emphasis ours)
We believed that the Honorable Members of the BOR was ill-advised when rushed for the confirmation of the aforementioned Contract of Lease without considering these particular provisions of the new UP charter that took effect on June 2008.
To recall, the present contract was brought to the attention of the BOR only during its 1240th meeting on January 28, 2009 or six months after the effectivity of the new UP Charter. After signing the same on June 18, 2009, was brought for confirmation on its June 2009 meeting. While, the confirmation was only given on its August 2009 regular meeting, nothing in the minutes of the BOR meeting, showed that there exist discussions on the ramifications of the new UP Charter to the said contract, neither also when it was discussed again on its October 2009 meeting.
In view therefore of what we perceived as a patent violation of aforementioned provisions of the new UP charter, particularly items (b), (d) and (e) of Section 23 thereof, we are requesting for an immediate discussion of said matter in the November 2009 meeting of the BOR in order to satisfy the following:
1. A multi-year development plan by a qualified urban planning professional with at least five (5) years experience, and prior consultations with concurrence of third-party experts as required under item (b) of Section 23 of RA 9500;
2. A fairness opinion report by an independent third-party body. This body shall have five (5) members, three (3) of which shall be nominated by the Bankers Association of the Philippines (BAP), Investment Houses Association of the Philippines (IHAP), Trust Officers Association of the Philippines, or the Financial Executive Institute of the Philippines (FINEX as required under item (d) of Section 23 of RA 9500;
3. Approval/confirmation of the contract by ¾ of all the members of the Board of Regents as required under item (e) of Section 23 considering that the total amount of transaction for lease alone of P1,000,000 per month for the first five years of the 25-years lease period already amounted to P60,000,000 - far exceeded the P50,000,000 requirement set forth in said item (e). Further taking account of the estimated amount of the property of P40,000,000, the 10% increase or escalation of monthly rental starting on the 6th year as stated on the contract itself; and the estimated amount involved for the development of the said university property; the total transaction cost of the contract involved more than a billion pesos (P1,000,000,000) for the entire duration of the contract.
We are requesting finally for the immediate cancellation of the said contract until such time that the safeguards set forth by the UP Charter of 2008 (RA 9500) as stated in Section 23 thereof, have been meet and satisfied. We feared that the continued implementation of this contract in spite of its procedural infirmities would served as a precedent in future transactions of the University, forever tarnished the image of the University, especially the Board of Regents, and open a floodgate of legal actions all the way to the Supreme Court.
In the light of this new development, the Union is determined more than ever to institute measures to protect the interest of employees of the hospital/university that will be affected by the operation of a “private FMAB” within the PGH Compound, and; the interest of the Hospital, the University and the public - especially people’s health.
Very truly yours,
MR. BENJAMIN L. SANTOS, JR.
President, Manila Chapter
MR. JOSSEL I. EBESATE, RN
National Executive Vice President, and
Secretary, Manila Chapter
Copy furnished:
SENATOR LOREN B. LEGARDA
Chair, Senate Committee on Health
REP. SATUR O. OCAMPO
Bayan Muna Partylist
Monday, September 21, 2009
Spies like us
Editorial
Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 01:01:00 09/21/2009
Martial law took effect on Sept. 23, 1972, but the number-fetishist in Ferdinand Marcos backdated the declaration to Sept. 21, a scant 37 years ago today. The declaration both changed the course of our history—and proved to be the culmination of deep historical trends that continue to haunt the national experience.
The news last week, that an apparently obtuse student enrolled in the Armed Forces’ Naval Enlisted Personnel Intelligence Course had conducted an unsuccessful attempt to spy on National Artist for Literature Bienvenido Lumbera, reminded us yet again that the Arroyo administration, in its last days in office, has calmly and deliberately given new substance to one such historical trend: the tendency of an incumbent president to consider the military as his or her own private army.
Either that, or Lt. Col. Edgard Arevalo, the Navy spokesperson, would like to define a much lower threshold for military intelligence.
Arevalo has admitted that the “target” of the “information verification” procedure of a “scenario activity” was Professor Lumbera, but not on purpose or by choice. “It was not intended for Professor Lumbera. It was just a part of a training that we have to very realistically [apply], so [the students] have to be dispatched to actual ground,” Arevalo told reporters, somewhat hopefully.
This accidental targeting of Lumbera is difficult to believe, in part because he lives inside a residential development with security guards and that therefore his house could not have been chosen at random, and in part because his house serves as headquarters for the party-list group of the leftist Alliance of Concerned Teachers which he used to head. Indeed, as the Navy spokesman helpfully explained, the “scenario” to be verified by the trainee spy involved monitoring a house that was supposed to be frequented by communist leaders.
If taken at face value, Arevalo’s denial would mean that, while the trainee spy may have been inept, his spymasters were lucky—to have pinpointed such a house, of such a prominent nationalist, merely at random.
“The student surely flunked that module. He not only failed the requirement of his scenario, he was even caught,” Arevalo added.
Again, if taken at face value, Arevalo’s non-explanatory explanation would mean that the burden of moral responsibility falls on the trainee—rather than on the training itself. But this innocent-sounding “module” is in actuality and by design a civilian-targeting program, to be carried out not by professional spies but by apprentices. How can that practice be defended, in a fully functioning democracy? (Defense Secretary Gilbert Teodoro has ordered an investigation, but did not say what kind of offense would merit a court-martial. Only if the investigation includes not only the trainees and the trainors, but the training program itself, will an anxious public begin to find reassurance. )
But the Arroyo administration’s democratic credentials have worn thin—beginning with the apparent massive fraud it committed to ensure a victory in the May 2004 elections, and stretched to breaking point with its unmistakable support for or use of military “special operations” that have resulted in continuing harassment of leftist political organizations and led to a crisis in politically motivated killings and enforced disappearances.
The bungled spying on Lumbera, in other words, forms part of a chilling pattern. Thus, despite the sincerity of official spokesmen, the public cannot look upon the incident as a simple “inconvenience,” or (as Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita treated it) a mere laughing matter; it is of the utmost seriousness—because as we have learned from sad experience, military intelligence agents take their cue directly from Malacañang: as spies from a private army.
Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 01:01:00 09/21/2009
Martial law took effect on Sept. 23, 1972, but the number-fetishist in Ferdinand Marcos backdated the declaration to Sept. 21, a scant 37 years ago today. The declaration both changed the course of our history—and proved to be the culmination of deep historical trends that continue to haunt the national experience.
The news last week, that an apparently obtuse student enrolled in the Armed Forces’ Naval Enlisted Personnel Intelligence Course had conducted an unsuccessful attempt to spy on National Artist for Literature Bienvenido Lumbera, reminded us yet again that the Arroyo administration, in its last days in office, has calmly and deliberately given new substance to one such historical trend: the tendency of an incumbent president to consider the military as his or her own private army.
Either that, or Lt. Col. Edgard Arevalo, the Navy spokesperson, would like to define a much lower threshold for military intelligence.
Arevalo has admitted that the “target” of the “information verification” procedure of a “scenario activity” was Professor Lumbera, but not on purpose or by choice. “It was not intended for Professor Lumbera. It was just a part of a training that we have to very realistically [apply], so [the students] have to be dispatched to actual ground,” Arevalo told reporters, somewhat hopefully.
This accidental targeting of Lumbera is difficult to believe, in part because he lives inside a residential development with security guards and that therefore his house could not have been chosen at random, and in part because his house serves as headquarters for the party-list group of the leftist Alliance of Concerned Teachers which he used to head. Indeed, as the Navy spokesman helpfully explained, the “scenario” to be verified by the trainee spy involved monitoring a house that was supposed to be frequented by communist leaders.
If taken at face value, Arevalo’s denial would mean that, while the trainee spy may have been inept, his spymasters were lucky—to have pinpointed such a house, of such a prominent nationalist, merely at random.
“The student surely flunked that module. He not only failed the requirement of his scenario, he was even caught,” Arevalo added.
Again, if taken at face value, Arevalo’s non-explanatory explanation would mean that the burden of moral responsibility falls on the trainee—rather than on the training itself. But this innocent-sounding “module” is in actuality and by design a civilian-targeting program, to be carried out not by professional spies but by apprentices. How can that practice be defended, in a fully functioning democracy? (Defense Secretary Gilbert Teodoro has ordered an investigation, but did not say what kind of offense would merit a court-martial. Only if the investigation includes not only the trainees and the trainors, but the training program itself, will an anxious public begin to find reassurance. )
But the Arroyo administration’s democratic credentials have worn thin—beginning with the apparent massive fraud it committed to ensure a victory in the May 2004 elections, and stretched to breaking point with its unmistakable support for or use of military “special operations” that have resulted in continuing harassment of leftist political organizations and led to a crisis in politically motivated killings and enforced disappearances.
The bungled spying on Lumbera, in other words, forms part of a chilling pattern. Thus, despite the sincerity of official spokesmen, the public cannot look upon the incident as a simple “inconvenience,” or (as Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita treated it) a mere laughing matter; it is of the utmost seriousness—because as we have learned from sad experience, military intelligence agents take their cue directly from Malacañang: as spies from a private army.
Friday, September 18, 2009
Elections as circus
Streetwise
By Carol Pagaduan-Araullo
Business World/18-19 Sept 2009
The opening salvoes praising or lambasting current and prospective frontrunners in the presidential derby appear to be generating excitement and anticipation, much like the first solid blows in the opening rounds of a world title boxing match. In truth, what is unfolding before our eyes is merely another bad, if not worse, version of past electoral contests marked by demagoguery, mudslinging, empty rhetoric, massive vote buying and wholesale fraud - unmistakable signs of a bankrupt and decaying political and social system.
The Lacson-Erap bout is grabbing more attention what with Senator Lacson’s serious, if not altogether new, allegations about ousted President Estrada’s jueteng payola and the use of strong-arm tactics to favor his and cronies’ business interests. The rumored reasons for Mr. Lacson’s sudden loquaciousness regarding Erap and the timing of his expose are less than saintly, including an alleged pact with the “she-devil” to help torpedo Erap’s presidential comeback in exchange for wiggling out of the Dacer-Corbito murder case.
It could be only a matter of time before Mr. Lacson drives the proverbial stake into his former boss’s political heart by pointing to the latter as the brains behind the double murder. Or then again, the entire brouhaha may just die down should some form of political and legal accommodation be worked out among the slugging contenders.
Philippine traditional politics is so full of the seemingly impossible. For one thing, don’t expect any honest-to-goodness investigation and prosecution to take place despite the grievousness of the charges being flung about. This appears all part of the electoral circus we have all gotten used to.
Another self-evident sign of the rotting carcass that is Philippine politics is the super-concentration of political pelf and power to a few families. Here we have the Cojuangco cousins, Sen. Noynoy Aquino and Defense Secretary Gilbert Teodoro as leading contenders. The recycling of political personalities from clans that have ruled before and have only brought the country to greater ruin and the people to greater misery is a permanent fixture in the bleak political landscape.
Nouveau riche Senator Manny Villar, smarting from an ongoing Senate investigation into his alleged corrupt deals, was prompted to dispute the Aquino camp’s framing the 2010 contest as one between “good” and “evil”, i.e. corrupt vs. non-corrupt. Instead, he described it as one between “rich” and “poor”, misrepresenting himself as the latter.
The anti-climactic choice of Defense Secretary Teodoro as the administration party’s standard-bearer only underscores the Arroyo ruling clique’s desperation and absolute disrespect for rules, even their own. The choice was narrowed down to the two consistent survey tail-enders, Teodoro and MMDA Chair Bayani Fernando after Vice President Noli de Castro, GMA’s anointed, snubbed the draft by refusing to even join the LAKAS-KAMPI-CMD. Mr. Fernando, who bannered his loyalty to his party, appeared like a dejected dog after he unsuccessfully moved to have a national convention choose the party’s presidential candidate rather than by a questionable vote of the party’s much smaller Executive Committee.
All these highlighted a gaping wound in the side of the supposedly formidable party machinery of the Arroyo clique. Days before, former President Fidel V. Ramos and former House Speaker Jose De Venecia, the tandem who had saved Mrs. Arroyo’s political neck in the wake of damaging evidence of her direct involvement in systematic election fraud in 2004, declared their decisive break with what they consider to be an illegal merger party.
The consolidation of a significant number of former allies of Mrs. Arroyo in direct opposition to her reveals a greater worsening of the conflicts among the ruling elite. As the room for mutual accommodation of interests shrinks further, the infighting is bound to intensify and grow more deadly.
Mr. Ramos himself and Senate President Juan Ponce-Enrile - two of the main pillars of the fascist Marcos Dictatorship, and veterans of so-called political brinkmanship up to and including the imposition of martial law by then President Ferdinand Marcos and the instigation of bloody intrigue and military coup d’etats during Cory Aquino’s regime - warned of plots by the current occupant of Malacañang to perpetuate herself in power beyond 2010.
These include “No-el” or no elections and what would amount to a Palace coup, or else a military/police takeover should there be a massive failure of elections leading to National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales’ scenario of a “transition government” under the aegis of the Arroyo-Ermita-Gonzales cabal.
Should such come to pass, all bets are off for what follows. For one, the overhaul of the Philippine Constitution towards a parliamentary system that will allow the continued hold on power of the Arroyo clique and an entire slew of revisions in the protectionist, civil libertarian and bases-free, nuclear-fee provisions of the 1987 Charter.
While public attention has been riveted on the posturing and pseudo-clashes among the leading contenders this election season, the Arroyo regime has been quietly intensifying its fascist maneuvers against the people and the people’s movement for change. There is an alarming spike once more in extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances. Just recently, a Catholic priest Fr. Cecilio Lucero, who was championing the cause of human rights in the rural backwaters of Northern Samar where the military reigns supreme, was killed. Another young student activist, Noriel Rodriguez, was abducted by suspected military agents and is still missing.
Hopes for a resumption of formal peace negotiations between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the revolutionary umbrella formation, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), have been all but dashed with the sabotage by Executive Secretary Ermita and Presidential Peace Adviser Razon of the confidence-building measures agreed upon in preparatory talks, foremost of which is a halt to the practice of filing trumped-up criminal charges and illegal arrests of NDFP peace talks consultants that only serve to poison the atmosphere for earnest talks. It would appear that the militarists' sabotage of the GRP-NDFP peace talks presage the parallel sabotage of the electoral process in order to perpetuate Mrs. Arroyo in power.
Ironically but fortunately, the splits and intensifying infighting within the ruling elite open up possibilities and avenues for a politically conscious and vigilant people to make use of the coming electoral exercise as a useful means and arena by which tyrants, frauds, corrupt and immoral leaders are removed from office.
More important, the election season can be harnessed to inspire, educate, and move the people to further expose the ills of society and fight for more fundamental changes. #
By Carol Pagaduan-Araullo
Business World/18-19 Sept 2009
The opening salvoes praising or lambasting current and prospective frontrunners in the presidential derby appear to be generating excitement and anticipation, much like the first solid blows in the opening rounds of a world title boxing match. In truth, what is unfolding before our eyes is merely another bad, if not worse, version of past electoral contests marked by demagoguery, mudslinging, empty rhetoric, massive vote buying and wholesale fraud - unmistakable signs of a bankrupt and decaying political and social system.
The Lacson-Erap bout is grabbing more attention what with Senator Lacson’s serious, if not altogether new, allegations about ousted President Estrada’s jueteng payola and the use of strong-arm tactics to favor his and cronies’ business interests. The rumored reasons for Mr. Lacson’s sudden loquaciousness regarding Erap and the timing of his expose are less than saintly, including an alleged pact with the “she-devil” to help torpedo Erap’s presidential comeback in exchange for wiggling out of the Dacer-Corbito murder case.
It could be only a matter of time before Mr. Lacson drives the proverbial stake into his former boss’s political heart by pointing to the latter as the brains behind the double murder. Or then again, the entire brouhaha may just die down should some form of political and legal accommodation be worked out among the slugging contenders.
Philippine traditional politics is so full of the seemingly impossible. For one thing, don’t expect any honest-to-goodness investigation and prosecution to take place despite the grievousness of the charges being flung about. This appears all part of the electoral circus we have all gotten used to.
Another self-evident sign of the rotting carcass that is Philippine politics is the super-concentration of political pelf and power to a few families. Here we have the Cojuangco cousins, Sen. Noynoy Aquino and Defense Secretary Gilbert Teodoro as leading contenders. The recycling of political personalities from clans that have ruled before and have only brought the country to greater ruin and the people to greater misery is a permanent fixture in the bleak political landscape.
Nouveau riche Senator Manny Villar, smarting from an ongoing Senate investigation into his alleged corrupt deals, was prompted to dispute the Aquino camp’s framing the 2010 contest as one between “good” and “evil”, i.e. corrupt vs. non-corrupt. Instead, he described it as one between “rich” and “poor”, misrepresenting himself as the latter.
The anti-climactic choice of Defense Secretary Teodoro as the administration party’s standard-bearer only underscores the Arroyo ruling clique’s desperation and absolute disrespect for rules, even their own. The choice was narrowed down to the two consistent survey tail-enders, Teodoro and MMDA Chair Bayani Fernando after Vice President Noli de Castro, GMA’s anointed, snubbed the draft by refusing to even join the LAKAS-KAMPI-CMD. Mr. Fernando, who bannered his loyalty to his party, appeared like a dejected dog after he unsuccessfully moved to have a national convention choose the party’s presidential candidate rather than by a questionable vote of the party’s much smaller Executive Committee.
All these highlighted a gaping wound in the side of the supposedly formidable party machinery of the Arroyo clique. Days before, former President Fidel V. Ramos and former House Speaker Jose De Venecia, the tandem who had saved Mrs. Arroyo’s political neck in the wake of damaging evidence of her direct involvement in systematic election fraud in 2004, declared their decisive break with what they consider to be an illegal merger party.
The consolidation of a significant number of former allies of Mrs. Arroyo in direct opposition to her reveals a greater worsening of the conflicts among the ruling elite. As the room for mutual accommodation of interests shrinks further, the infighting is bound to intensify and grow more deadly.
Mr. Ramos himself and Senate President Juan Ponce-Enrile - two of the main pillars of the fascist Marcos Dictatorship, and veterans of so-called political brinkmanship up to and including the imposition of martial law by then President Ferdinand Marcos and the instigation of bloody intrigue and military coup d’etats during Cory Aquino’s regime - warned of plots by the current occupant of Malacañang to perpetuate herself in power beyond 2010.
These include “No-el” or no elections and what would amount to a Palace coup, or else a military/police takeover should there be a massive failure of elections leading to National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales’ scenario of a “transition government” under the aegis of the Arroyo-Ermita-Gonzales cabal.
Should such come to pass, all bets are off for what follows. For one, the overhaul of the Philippine Constitution towards a parliamentary system that will allow the continued hold on power of the Arroyo clique and an entire slew of revisions in the protectionist, civil libertarian and bases-free, nuclear-fee provisions of the 1987 Charter.
While public attention has been riveted on the posturing and pseudo-clashes among the leading contenders this election season, the Arroyo regime has been quietly intensifying its fascist maneuvers against the people and the people’s movement for change. There is an alarming spike once more in extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances. Just recently, a Catholic priest Fr. Cecilio Lucero, who was championing the cause of human rights in the rural backwaters of Northern Samar where the military reigns supreme, was killed. Another young student activist, Noriel Rodriguez, was abducted by suspected military agents and is still missing.
Hopes for a resumption of formal peace negotiations between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the revolutionary umbrella formation, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), have been all but dashed with the sabotage by Executive Secretary Ermita and Presidential Peace Adviser Razon of the confidence-building measures agreed upon in preparatory talks, foremost of which is a halt to the practice of filing trumped-up criminal charges and illegal arrests of NDFP peace talks consultants that only serve to poison the atmosphere for earnest talks. It would appear that the militarists' sabotage of the GRP-NDFP peace talks presage the parallel sabotage of the electoral process in order to perpetuate Mrs. Arroyo in power.
Ironically but fortunately, the splits and intensifying infighting within the ruling elite open up possibilities and avenues for a politically conscious and vigilant people to make use of the coming electoral exercise as a useful means and arena by which tyrants, frauds, corrupt and immoral leaders are removed from office.
More important, the election season can be harnessed to inspire, educate, and move the people to further expose the ills of society and fight for more fundamental changes. #
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