Post-GMA TRANSITION

CenPEG
ISSUE ANALYSIS No. 5
March 5, 2008
Series of 2008

The "critical mass" that can lead to the forced resignation of Gloria M. Arroyo can only rise from the spectrum of diverse groups and personalities agreeing who or what will replace the widely-discredited president.

Options and scenarios

The "critical mass" that can lead to the forced resignation of Gloria M. Arroyo can only rise from the spectrum of diverse groups and personalities agreeing who or what will replace the widely-discredited president.

Most of the 80,000 people who converged at the interfaith prayer-rally in Ayala, Makati City on February 29 supported the call for Arroyo's resignation or removal. The call was echoed by tens of thousands other rallyers who held similar protest actions during the same week in several cities throughout the country as well as in Hong Kong, the United States, Europe, and other countries.

The Arroyo regime is in red alert - in panic mode, if you will - since the February 29 rallies. The events showed the confluence of major advocacy groups, opinion leaders, and a big number of students in just two weeks following whistleblower Rodolfo "Jun" Lozada's corruption exposes' with their resounding call for the president's resignation.[1] It was like the thunderbolt that sent waves of masses taking to Edsa 1 and Edsa 2 – a political combustion that could electrify more mass actions increasing in frequency and in bigger numbers until the final day of reckoning for Gloria M. Arroyo.

Unprecedented

In many respects, the resign call is giving birth to a progressive plank even among the moderate groups as well as interfaith, lawyers, and youth sectors that see Arroyo's resignation or removal as a step toward a deep-going reform in government and in the state's political institutions. Outside the militant groups, this nuance was never seen before in Edsa 1 and Edsa 2. Seven years of the Arroyo regime have exposed alarmingly the fragility of the country's institutions on account of the subversion of the electoral system to prolong the president's rule, the manipulation of the legislature through bribery and tyranny of numbers to block impeachment moves, and military supremacy over the justice system particularly on so-called national security cases. What are claimed to be constitutional processes have succumbed to the use of force, threats, and corruption through bribery as a means of protecting the questionable rule of Arroyo.

Thus, the ground for starting a movement for democratic reform in governance by the people is already present.[2] Having said that, in the short-term, what should be the post-Arroyo replacement? This crucial question remains unresolved among the various and eclectic anti-Arroyo forces at this point. Almost everyone agrees however that some unity should be reached on this matter if the momentum for the resignation of Arroyo is to be sustained and pushed to its desired conclusion. There are various scenarios being floated:

1) Constitutional succession, with Vice President Noli de Castro assuming the presidency. This option is being pushed by the so-called "La Salle 60" which is composed of the Hyatt 10++ - the resigned members of the Arroyo cabinet – and other past cabinet members.

Except for its constitutionality, this option has drawn no serious appeal not only because De Castro is a lame duck but also because with Noli – an Arroyo protégé - at the helm it will not address the immediate demand to hold the beleaguered president accountable for the various charges of fraud, corruption, and killings thrown against her. Besides, whether De Castro can lead the initiative to reform the government system let alone its electoral process – an increasing demand from the parliament of the streets – also remains a question.

A variation to this option, which De Castro is expected to refuse, is for the provisional president to call for snap presidential elections even before 2010. The unanimous requisite for holding another election is the revamp of Comelec to ensure its independence and instituting effective mechanisms to safeguard the right to vote.

Revolutionary transition

2) A revolutionary transition government, which has been endorsed by groups aligned with a former university president and some military rebels. This can be the result of a successful ouster move against the seating president with the possibility that it will be backed by military elements. This option, which can result in a civilian-military junta, has no mass appeal as proven in recent opinion surveys, and does not sit well with both moderate and other militant forces in the anti-Arroyo regime struggle. It will face stiff resistance from Congress once the transition government moves to abolish it.

An extreme version of this option, which a few individuals seem to be entertaining, amounts to a virtual anarchy – anything to replace the regime "including chaos and revolution." What kind of "revolution" they mean is quite murky at this point.

3) A citizens' transition council to be headed by a Supreme Court justice. This imminent citizens-led council can also be the result of Arroyo's forced resignation. The emergence of this caretaker body is essentially a political act done under an extraordinary situation – reminiscent of the revolutionary transition in 1986 under Corazon Aquino – with enough powers while retaining the element of constitutional succession. The trailblazing transition council will be composed of – and staffed by - representatives of people's organizations, NGOs, and sectors that are struggling for the resignation or removal of Arroyo and are united by a concrete program of genuine social, economic, and political reform. These are the groups and sectors generally left out in Edsa 1 and Edsa 2 where the victories of people's struggles were hijacked by members of the elite and ruled the country in the old tyrannical and corrupt ways that people power had precisely struggled to demolish.

The citizens' transition council will address the public clamor for a non-traditional, pro-people political leadership that may likely draw support from other key players such as influential members of the interfaith, business, and the military. For this option to become feasible, however, the pressure that will force Arroyo to resign should be strong and insurmountable in a supreme act of sovereign power by the people allowing them - extra-constitutiona lly - to entrust powers to this caretaker body.

The short-term and minimum agenda of the proposed citizens' council is to initiate immediate reforms starting with the electoral system to ensure a clean and democratic election in 2010. So long as this is made clear – alongside with the fact that the council will exist only for a specific duration – then it will likely draw the support not only from the disparate political forces arrayed against the regime but also significant segments of the broad public. Elite and traditional politicians should admit that they have already lost their self-proclaimed right to dominate leadership while the people have begun to realize they should assert their sovereign power if comprehensive reform in governance is to be instituted.

Status quo

Still others – some presidentiables included - would rather see Arroyo finishing her term until June 2010 or roughly for about 800 more days. If this is ruled out, presidential aspirants would scream to high heavens on the day Noli de Castro is sworn into office in place of Arroyo because with government resources at his disposal that would ensure his election in 2010. Some political readers point out, however, that if Arroyo is allowed to stay in office until 2010, what will prevent her from hanging unto power beyond that?

As far as anti-Arroyo forces are concerned, either of these two scenarios would plunge the country deeper into a political turmoil. Better have a minor incision now than be forced to take a major surgery within the next two years.

The search for a political alternative is a communal work in progress. Its shape and configuration will evolve in the process of widening and increasing the momentum for replacing a widely-perceived corrupt and most despicable regime. But the answer for an alternative leadership must soon be cobbled together by all democratic and patriotic forces as it will serve as the bridge toward building the "critical mass" needed to put an end to a regime of greed and fear. The arduous and contentious process of political reconstruction should begin with the first step.

____________ _________ _________ _________ _________ _______

[1] See CenPEG Issue Analysis No. 04, "People Power," February 26, 2008 at www.cenpeg.org

[2] This should be distinguished from the dynamics of the Marxist-led people's democratic revolution which seeks the restructuring of the society with a socialist perspective, and with the foundations of a revolutionary government already underway in the rural countryside. Other ideological groups envisage peaceful reform using the parliamentary mode while others are pushing for urban insurrections.

Reference:

Bobby Tuazon
Director, Policy Study, Publication and Advocacy (PSPA)
Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG)
TelFax +63-2 9299526; mobile phone: 0915-6418055
E-mail: cenpeg.info@ gmail.com; info@cenpeg. org
http://www.cenpeg. org

Pangkalahatang Asembleya, Itinakda

6th Chapter Assembly sa ika-6 ng Marso 2008

Ang ika-6 na Pambansang (Pangkalahatang) Asembleya ay itinakda ng National Executive Board (NEB) sa ika-3-4 ng Abril 2008 na gaganapin sa UP SOLAIR Auditorium. Ito ay inaasahang dadaluhan ng mahigit kumulang 150 delegado mula sa lahat na mga Campus ng UP System sa buong bansa. Ang UP Manila/PGH ay bubuuin ng 50 delegado.

Kasabay ng Pambansang Asembleya ay ang pagpili (eleksiyon) ng panibagong mga kasapi ng Pambansang Lupong Tagapagpaganap (NEB) at Pambansang Konseho (5 at-large representatives). Ang Konseho at Lupon ang pangalawa at pangatlong pinakamataas na istruktura ng union (pagkatapos ng Pambansang (Pangkalahatang) Asembleya. Ang Asembleya at Eleksiyon ay ginaganap tuwing ikatlong taon mula noong unang Asembleya ng 1988.

Samantala ang Asembleya at Eleksiyon ng tsapter ay itinakda ng Chapter Executive Board (CEB) sa Huwebes, ika-6 ng Marso 2008, mula 9:00 ng umaga hanggang 1:00 ng hapon. Ito ay gaganapin sa UP Manila Social Hall (8/F PGH Central Block Building). Ang NEB ay itinalaga si Francisca Vera Cruz, kasapi ng CEB Diliman na siyang mamuno sa Election Committee para sa Manila Chapter.

Hinihikayat ang lahat na mga kasapi na lumahok sa nasabing Chapter Assembly upang nakalahok sa talakayan at pagdedesisyon ng tsapter sa isasamang mga probisyon sa bagong CNA, panukalang pagtataas ng buwanang butaw (monthly dues), pagdadagdag ng benepisyo sa mga kasapi at posisyon ng tsapter hinggil sa malawakang korupsiyon at paglabag sa karapatang pantao ng pamahalaang Arroyo.

Protesta ng ONAPUP, Ibinasura ng Bureau of Labor Relations (BLR)

All U.P. Workers Union Proklamado at Sertipikado Na Bilang Bukod Tangi at Eksklusibong Kinatawan ng mga Administratibong Kawani ng U.P.

Pagkatapos ng mahigit apat (4) na buwan, lumabas na ang desisyon ng Bureau of Labor Relations (BLR) noong ika 14 ng Pebrero 2008 kaugnay sa protesta na inihain ng ONAPUP sa resulta ng Certification Election (CE) noong ika 24 ng Oktubre 2007. Batay sa nasabing desisyon, ibinasura ng BLR ang protesta dahil sa kakulangan o kawalan ng batayan, kayat opisyal ng idineklara at sinisertipikahan nito ang All U.P. Workers Union bilang bukod tangi at eksklusibong kinatawan ng mga administratibong kawani ng buong U.P. System.

Pangalawang sunod na sertipikasyon ito ng ating unyon.

Matatandaang sa CE noong ika-24 ng Oktubre 2007 nakakuha ang ating unyon ng 3,155 boto samantalang 1,668 boto lang ang nakuha ng ONAPUP sa buong UP.

Dahil sa sertipikasyong ito inaasahan natin ang agarang pagpapatuloy sa renegosasyon para sa panibagong Collective Negotiation Agreement (CNA) kung saan kasama sa ating mga panukala ang P20,000.00 na signing bonus o CNA Incentive.

Sa konsultasyon kay Dr. Arlene Samaniego, VP for Administration ng UP, noong ika-3 ng Marso 2008 - sa meeting ng System PERC, ang muling pag-uusap ng mga negotiating panel ng unyon at UP Administration ay maaring mangyari pagkatapos ng labinlimang (15) araw na reglementary period sa pagsakatuparan ng nasabing Order ng BLR. Sa pagtaya ng unyon, dahil natanggap natin ang Order noong ika-20 ng Pebrero 2008, magiging epektibo ito simula sa ika-6 ng Marso 2008.

Analysis on People Power

CenPEG
ISSUE ANALYSIS No. 4
February 26, 2008
Series of 2008

Arroyo was installed to the presidency by people power; people power may also unseat her.

People Power

The outpouring of outrage generated by the abduction and expose' of Rodolfo Jun Lozada, former president of state corporation Philippine Forest, in connection with the $329-million ZTE-NBN telecommunications scam speaks volumes. It can be likened to a spark that has triggered a vast field of fire, so to speak. The abduction of Lozada allegedly by presidential agents and police and his surfacing at De La Salle-Greenhills in Quezon City two weeks ago has unleashed a storm of street protests, prayer rallies, and public assemblies by tens and thousands of individuals from various sectors. These mass actions which are expected to peak to hundreds of thousands of souls along with coordinated protests in the provinces in the coming weeks have been sharpened by a renewed call for Gloria M. Arroyo's resignation or removal from the presidency.

From our vantage view, the momentum for Arroyo's resignation or removal could increase in velocity and reach a denouement in a brief period. Even if there are differences among the various sectors who have expressed their indignation over the broadband scam and against big-time corruption in general, the current political atmosphere offers opportunities and venues for such differences to give way to a concerted political action. The important thing at this point is to see the whole controversy as essentially an issue between the Arroyo regime and the people in general, in which only the latter – possibly acting with one voice though with different nuances – can resolve.

First year

The trouble with the Arroyo regime is that its credibility had begun to crumble right in the first year of its ascendancy – in 2001 – when people's expectations of reform and clean government were quickly dashed by a series of big corruption scandals linking the Arroyo couple and their cronies. This first stage of the Arroyo presidency was followed by a longer stage where it practically lost its credibility and earned the wrath of multitudes of people.

This second period – 2004-2007 – set the stage for calls for the president's impeachment, resignation or removal, owing to electoral fraud, fiscal crisis, unprecedented corruption scandals and bribery cases, and the self-serving charter change. Bribery and repressive measures were enforced against impeachment complaints and investigations such as EO 464; critics and activists were persecuted through emergency rule, the anti-terrorism law, as well as extra-judicial killings and enforced disappearances. None of the monumental cases of plunder and shame – which pointed to presidential accountability - has been resolved and government response brought about by domestic and international pressures has been largely for show.

Six years of the Arroyo presidency have seen the putrefaction of the institutions that was begun under the Marcos dictatorship: the presidency as a tool for private gain and its abuse – through repression and coercion – in order to perpetuate illegitimacy; Congress as mainly a rubber stamp where dissent is suppressed through bribery, threats, and executive orders; the mangling of the Party-list system; the predominance, especially in security issues and human rights cases, of the military over civilian authority and the justice system; and the subversion of the electoral system with Comelec as a key player.

Against oligarchy

Thus it can be said that the torrent of outrage seen today is a response against not only conjugal greed and systemic corruption but also a government ruled by a faction of the oligarchy who use corruption to monopolize and perpetuate itself in power. Overall, as a result, poverty and unemployment have worsened while access to social services like health, education, and housing has grossly diminished.

Many of those who have either gone to the streets or supported protest rallies calling for Arroyo's removal have long been enlightened by the truth about the use of naked power and greed to prop up a government led by crooks and lawbreakers. The bigger truth that is unfolding is that the victories in two people's uprisings – Edsa I and Edsa II – ended up being hijacked into the revolving door of elite rule thus depriving the people of democratic governance, genuine reform, and a better life most especially for the poor.

The bigger truth likewise is the increasing realization that when people coalesce with a collective voice in order to oust despotic rulers they can have the potential of doing the same in order to overhaul an entire government system and break the monopoly of political power held by oligarchs. People power is the exercise of the people's sovereign will to replace tyranny with democratic governance as a means of bringing about a lasting peace, social justice, and equality before the law.

Arroyo was installed to the presidency by people power; people power may also unseat her. The short-term trajectory of the build-up of indignation rallies and communal action-oriented prayers is toward increasing the public pressure for the incumbent president's resignation or removal. However, a more resounding voice and collective force may need to rise up from this political exercise to struggle for the long-term goal of installing democratic governance by and for the people in the future.

Reference:

Bobby Tuazon
Director, Policy Study, Publication and Advocacy (PSPA)
Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG)
TelFax +63-2 9299526; mobile phone: 0915-6418055
E-mail: cenpeg.info@ gmail.com; info@cenpeg. org
http://www.cenpeg. org

UP – Una sa Pagkokomersiyalisa (2)

by kapirasongkritika
December 30, 2007

Tampulan ng usap-usapan ngayon si Pres. Emerlinda Roman ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas dahil sa pambubulyaw niya sa Senado noong Disyembre 18, bukod pa sa maraming pakana ng kanyang administrasyon.

Sa naunang entri, binaybay ang ilang mahalagang datos ng pinakahuling pagsisikap ng administrasyon ni Pres. Emerlinda R. Roman ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas o UP para itulak ang Senado na ipasa ang isang panukalang batas na babago sa UP Charter. Narito naman ang ilang pagsusuri sa nabanggit na mga pangyayari nitong Disyembre.

(1) KIKO

Pinatunayan lamang ng mga pangyayari na may kaya palang gawin si Sen. Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan. Nakilala kasi siya ng marami bilang si “Mr. Noted” sa makasaysayang halalang 2004 na “nagpanalo” kay Pres. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Siya ang duminig nang saglit at pagkatapos ay nagsantabi sa mga reklamo ng oposisyon noon hinggil sa mga anomalyang panghalalan sa Batasang Pambansa. Nakilala rin siya ng marami bilang commercial model ng pansit kanton na Lucky Me – kung saan ginawa niyang panggabing meryenda ang kalunus-lunos na panawid-gutom ng maraming maralita.

Lucky o suwerte nga naman siya. Kilala at natatandaan siya ng marami, kahit wala siyang solidong rekord bilang senador na tuluy-tuloy na tumindig pabor sa sambayanan. Pinakamaningning na niyang yugto ang pagdalo sa press conference ng Partido Liberal noon sa pamumuno ni dating Sen. Franklin Drilon. Nagsalita ba siya doon? Mas matapang pa ang pagtatanggol ni Ate Shawie kay dating Sek. Dinky Soliman ng DSWD noong inaresto ang huli dahil sa pagsusuot ng oversized na kamiseta sa Baywalk. Suwerte siya dahil kilala siyang “Mr. Sharon Cuneta” sa bansang ito ng mga Sharonian.

Kaya naman pala niyang maging mapagpasya sa mga bagay na gusto niyang gawin. Bilang lider ng mayorya sa Senado, siya ang may kapangyarihang magtakda ng adyenda. Ang nakakalungkot, katulad ng pagiging “Mr. Noted” niya, ang pagtutulak niya sa panukalang batas na babago sa UP Charter ay tugma sa kagustuhan ni Pres. Arroyo. Ilang beses nang itinuring ng Malakanyang na priyoridad ang panukalang batas niya – na tiyak na inaprubahan ng pangulong kumakaltas sa badyet ng UP at kampeon ng komersiyalisasyon ng pamantasan. Kawawa naman siya: Nasa anino na nga ni Sharon Cuneta, nasa anino pa ni Gloria. Isa siyang bituing walang ningning, star for no reason.

(2) JAMBY

Sa kabilang banda, lalong pinatunayan ni Sen. Ana Maria Consuelo “Jamby” Madrigal na hindi lamang siya kamukha ni Judy Ann Santos – o ng reporter na si Adrian Ayalin, para sa ibang malupit. “Lalong pinatunayan” dahil nitong huli, palagi siyang nasa makabayan at makamasang tindig sa mga isyung pambansa at panlipunan – sa panunungkulan ni Pres. Arroyo, usapang pangkapayapaan sa National Democratic Front of the Philippines, ekstrahudisyal na pamamaslang at iba pang porma ng pampulitikang panunupil, tuluy-tuloy na pagtaas ng presyo ng langis, at iba pa. Bagamat kilalang sosyalera, kapansin-pansin ding lagi siyang nagsisikap na magsalita sa Filipino.

Kahit paano, nakakatuwang may senador, lalo na’t senadora, na handang sumalunga hindi lang sa takbo ng Senado, kundi maging sa takbo ng pulitika sa bansa. Maningning niyang saglit ang pagsama sa martsa-rali – kakapit-bisig nina dating Bise-Presidente Teofisto Guingona at Rep. Satur Ocampo ng Bayan Muna – laban sa pagbabawal sa mga kilos-protesta sa Mendiola. Kahit binomba ng tubig ang hanay nila, nanatili siya – kahit pa sabi ng iba’y naging kamukha niya si Gloria matapos. Kung magpapatuloy siya, mag-iiwan siya ng solidong rekord ng paglilingkod sa bayan. Hindi tulad ng iba diyan.

Walang kaimik-imik sa sesyon sina Sen. Francis “Chiz” Escudero, Sen. Manuel “Manny” Villar, at Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano sa naging talakayan. Kakatwa ito dahil nangako sila sa UP Widem na tutulong para maipasok ang mga pagbabagong ipinapanukala ng alyansa. Lalong kakatwa dahil pumapabor ang mga panukalang batas na ipinasa nina Sen. Escudero at Sen. Villar sa panukalang ginawa ng UP Widem. Bakit sila nanahimik? Bakit hindi nila ipinaglaban ang mga panukalang batas nila? Binasa ba man lang nila ang mga panukalang batas na ipinasa nila? Ang tanong ng lahat: oposisyon pa ba sila?

(3) CHARTER

Mainam balik-aralan ang mga dahilan kung bakit tinututulan ng makabayang mga organisasyon ng iba’t ibang sektor ng UP ang panukalang batas ni Sen. Pangilinan. Simple lang: Dahil hindi nito malakas na itinatali ang Estado sa tungkulin nitong pondohan ang UP. Sa halip, binibigyan nito ng kapangyarihan ang UP na lumikom – sa samu’t saring paraan, kasama na ang pagtataas ng matrikula at pagkokomersiyalisa ng mga lupain nito – ng sariling pondo. Kaugnay nito, pinapanatili nito at pinapalakas pa nga ang hindi demokratikong istruktura ng pagdedesisyon sa iba’t ibang usapin sa UP.

Bangga samakatuwid ang panukalang batas mismong sa pagiging “state university” ng UP – na dapat ay todong sinusuportahan at pinopondohan ng Estado para magbigay sa pinakamaraming mamamayan ng edukasyong karapatan ng bawat isa. Sa iba’t ibang bahagi, natatanaw na babangga ang komersiyalisasyon ng UP sa pang-akademikong atmospera at adhikain nito. Dahil maliit na lupon ng iilang opisyal na hindi nakalubog sa UP ang gusto nitong panatilihin para magpasya sa mga usaping pang-UP, binubusalan nito ang malaya at daynamikong talakayan ng isang komunidad na pang-akademiko.

Akala mo, si Adrian Ayalin: Ang mahusay na senadora.

(4) EMER

Ano nga ulit ang apelyido ng presidente ng UP? Roman ba o Rama? Alam ng marami na galing sa Kabisayaan si Prop. Judy Taguiwalo, pero malinaw na ipinakita ng mga pangyayari noong Disyembre 18 kung sino ang sinapian ni Annabelle Rama sa Senado noon. “Gumagawa ka ng pagkakamali sa Unibersidad!” bulyaw daw niya kay G. Marco Dominic delos Reyes, na dating Student Regent ng UP at bumoto pa nga kay Gng. Roman noong nahati ang botohan sa pagkapangulo ng UP sa Board of Regents. Sabi pa raw niya, “Approach-approach ka diyan, ha! Basagin ko iyang salamin mo, Dong!”

Siyempre, eksaheradong biro na lang itong huli. Pero hindi birong sabihing may ilang matututunan. Angkop ang panukalang batas ni Sen. Pangilinan sa neo-liberal na mga patakaran ng gobyerno, na nagtatanggal sa papel ng Estado sa ekonomiya – kung saan itinuturing na negosyo ang edukasyon – at nagtataguyod ng tinatawag nilang “malayang pamilihan”. Ipinakita ng ginawa ni Pres. Roman at ng pagtutol niya sa “demokratisasyon” ng UP, kung paanong silang nagtataguyod ng “malayang pamilihan” ay sumasalalay sa hindi malayang palitan ng mga ideya, o sa mapanupil at brusko pa ngang mga paraan.

Kataka-takang hindi nasalubong nang maayos ni Pres. Roman ang matapat at harapang pagla-lobby ng UP Wide Democratization Movement o UP Widem sa Senado. Kasi, kilala rin namang bihasang pulitiko si Pres. Roman. Bantog ang kuwento hinggil sa halalan ng Board of Regents para sa Tsanselor ng UP Diliman. Noong unang round ng botohan, ibinoto niya si Prop. Cynthia Rose Banzon-Bautista, kilalang kadikit ni dating Pres. Francisco Nemenzo, Jr. ng UP na mahalaga sa pagkakahalal ni Pres. Roman mismo. Tabla ang botohan. Noong ikalawang round, ibinoto niya si Prop. Sergio Cao.

Nanalo si Prop. Cao, na kilalang kadikit ni Pres. Roman at kaguro niya sa kolehiyo. Bukas na lihim na sa ganyang mga botohan sa Board of Regents, ang boto sa unang round ay pambayad sa pampulitikang pagkakautang, habang ang boto sa ikalawang round ang tunay na boto. Lumalabas na nagbayad lang ng pampulitikang pagkakautang si Pres. Roman sa kampo ni dating Pres. Nemenzo at pagkatapos ay bumoto na sa tunay na itinibok ng kanyang puso. Ang punto: Batikang pulitiko si Pres. Roman. Kataka-takang sinalubong niya nang ganoon ang lehitimo at tapat na pagla-lobby ng UP Widem.

(5) TERMINO

Kung anuman, tumutugma ang ikinilos ni Pres. Roman sa Senado nitong Disyembre sa pangkalahatang rekord ng kanyang administrasyon. Sa kabila ng malaganap na pagtutol, ipinatupad niya ang komersiyalisasyon ng UP na walang kaparis sa huling karanasan nito. Itinaas niya ang matrikula ng mga estudyante mula P300 kada yunit patungong P1,000 – bukod pa sa pagtataas ng mga bayarin sa laboratoryo. Ipinuslit niya ang isang dambuhalang commercial center – na mayroong call center! – sa mga lupain ng UP sa pagpapanggap na bahagi ito ng tinatawag na “Science and Technology Park”.

Naganap din sa kanyang termino ang pagpapaatras sa ilang tagumpay sa paglaban para sa demokratikong mga karapatan ng iba’t ibang sektor ng UP – na kailangan nang lagumin na “kontra-aktibismo”. Sa kampus ng UP Diliman, hinigpitan ang paggamit ng iba’t ibang lugar na lunsaran ng mga kilos-protesta. Tinanggal ang mga bulletin board sa mga waiting shed na lagusan ng panawagan. Nagpatupad ng patakarang “No ID, No Entry” dahil, sabi noong una, makakapigil daw iyon sa pagnanakaw ng mga kagamitan. Nabalita rin ang pagpapasok ng mga Marines para maging tauhang panseguridad. Rurok ng yabang nito ang pagpanukalang ipagbawal ang mga fraternity sa kampus.

Ang masama pa, laman ng panukalang batas na itinulak nina Pres. Roman sa Senado nitong Disyembre ang probisyong nagpapahintulot na mapahaba o mapalawig ang termino ng pangulo ng UP, hindi isang termino lamang tulad ngayon. May interes ba si Pres. Roman na mamuno hindi lamang sa taon ng sentenaryo ng UP kundi hanggang abutin din siya ng sentenaryo? Kung itatambal ang ganitong probisyon sa tindi ng mga patakarang ipinatupad niya sa UP sa kanyang termino, hindi malayong isiping magkatulad sila ni Gloria: naniniwalang tagapagsalba sila ng pinapamunuan nila.

Dahil sa mga hakbanging ito, may nagsasabing lumalaganap ang pagtutol sa administrasyon ni Pres. Roman sa iba’t ibang sektor sa UP. Ayon sa isang kakilala, nitong Disyembre, dumalo si Pres. Roman sa isang aktibidad ng Kolehiyo ng Arte at Literatura – na makakapagmalaking sa kanilang gusali binato ng itlog at putik si Hen. Hermogenes Esperon noong kapal-mukhang pumunta ito sa UP. Habang palakpakan ang isinalubong ng mga manonood sa mga hurado sa nasabing aktibidad, isang malakas na “boo” diumano ang matapang na ipinarinig sa kapita-pitagang pangulo.

(6) KOMUNIDAD

“Ang hindi natin pagpapabaya” ang pinapurihan ni Prop. Taguiwalo sa kanyang ulat, nang ang tinutukoy ay ang iba’t ibang sektor ng UP, lalo na ang mga miyembro ng UP Widem. Sa hinaharap marahil, babalikan ng tanaw sina Prop. Taguiwalo at kanyang mga kasamahan bilang matatalas at magigiting na mandirigma laban sa todo-todong komersiyalisasyon ng UP at sa paghahari ng diktadura sa pamantasan. Samantala, tinurol niya ang susunod na labanan: ang bicameral conference committee meeting sa Enero. Tiwala tayong tutugon sa hamon at hindi aatras ang iba’t ibang sektor ng UP.

UP – Una sa Pagkokomersiyalisa

by kapirasong kritika
December 28, 2007

Nitong nakaraang Disyembre, muling ipinilit ng administrasyon ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas — sa brusko at bastos na paraan – na pabilisin ang pagkokomersiyalisa sa pamantasan.

Bago nagsimula ang kakatapos na Christmas break, lumaganap sa iba’t ibang e-group ang ilang ulat kaugnay ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas o UP. Sa partikular, tungkol ang mga ito sa mga hakbangin nitong Disyembre ng administrasyon ng UP – sa pamumuno ngayon ni Pres. Emerlinda R. Roman – na itulak sa Senado ang panukalang batas na babago sa UP Charter, ang konstitusyon ng pamantasan. Pero, at mas mahalaga, tungkol din ang mga ulat sa maagap at nagkakaisang pagkilos ng mga sektor ng UP – estudyante, guro, kawani at iba pa – para labanan ang mga hakbangin ng UP Admin.

Balik-tanaw: Mula Mayo 2003 hanggang Pebrero 2004, pinaigting ng UP Admin sa pamumuno ni dating Pres. Francisco Nemenzo, Jr. ang kampanya nito para ipasa ng Senado ang isang panukalang batas na babago sa UP Charter, na simula 1908 pa umiiral. Hindi naipasa, gayunman, ang panukalang batas – na inisponsor ni Sen. Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan – dahil sa tuluy-tuloy na paglaban ng makabayang mga organisasyon ng iba’t ibang sektor ng UP, pakikinig at pagtindig ng ilang matulunging senador tampok si Sen. Aquilino “Nene” Pimentel, at iringan ng Kongreso at Senado dahil sa badyet.

Bagamat nabinbin ang panukalang batas ni Sen. Pangilinan, patuloy na naging listo at mapagbantay ang makabayang mga organisasyon sa mga hakbangin ng UP Admin kaugnay ng UP Charter. Patuloy nilang dinaluhan ang mga pagdinig (hearing) sa mga panukalang batas na bersiyon lamang ng kay Sen. Pangilinan. Nagsampa pa nga sila sa Kongreso ng panukala nilang UP Charter. Sa pag-upo ni Pres. Roman – na kilalang mas tagapagsulong ng pagkokomersiyalisa ng mga ari-arian ng UP, na siyang laman ng panukalang batas – lalong hinigpitan ng nasabing mga organisasyon ang pagmamatyag.

Abante sa Disyembre 2007: Ayon kay Prop. Judy M. Taguiwalo ng UP Widem o UP Wide Democratization Movement – malapad na alyansang tutol sa panukalang batas ni Sen. Pangilinan – napag-alaman niya at ng mga kasamahan niyang isa ang nasabing panukalang batas sa siyam na gustong ipasa ng Senado bago ang Christmas break na nagsimula noong Disyembre 21. Dahil sa balita, tumungo sa Senado si Prop. Taguiwalo at mga kasama niya sa UP Widem noong Disyembre 17. Kapansin-pansing ilang ulit nang binabasbasan ng Malakanyang ang panukalang batas para kagyat na maipasa.

Disyembre 17, 2007: Sa Senado, nakasaksi sina Prop. Taguiwalo ng tinawag niyang “matinding manipulasyon.” Hindi ipinamahagi ang adyenda ng sesyon para sa araw na iyon. Aniya, “kadalasa’y alas-10 ng umaga… may mga kopya na… ang mga senador. Alas-tres y medya kami dumating… wala pa ring adyenda.” Noong pumasok sila sa plenary hall, doon lang nila nalamang “nakasalang… ang UP Charter.” Kailangan, aniya, ng committee report bago talakayin ang isang panukalang batas ng plenaryo, pero – “lo and behold!” – iniikot ni Sen. Pangilinan ang committee report sa mismong plenaryo.

Sa talumpati ni Sen. Pangilinan, sinabi niya, sa mga salita ni Prop. Taguiwalo, na “may kasunduan na ang mga senador na kung ano… ang ipinasa noong 13^th Congress, iyun na rin ang ipapasa sa 14^th Congress,” kasama ang panukalang batas sa UP Charter. Dumaan na raw sa committee hearing at technical working group meeting “na dinaluhan ng iba’t ibang stakeholders ng bill” ang panukala. Sumang-ayon naman sina Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano at Sen. Loren Legarda. Humadlang si Sen. Jamby Madrigal, dahil hindi pa niya nababasa – dahil hindi nga siya binibigyan – ng mga dokumentong kailangan.

Sa pagtatanung-tanong nina Prop. Taguiwalo at ng mga kasamahan niya, napag-alaman nilang “wala ni isa man lang sa [kanilang] inihapag [na panukala] ang ipinasok sa final committee report.” Ibig sabihin, purong panukalang batas ni Sen. Pangilinan ang nakahapag. Pero dahil sa agresibong paggigiit ng mga lider ng UP Widem, at dahil ginabi na ang sesyon, nagbukas si Sen. Pangilinan na magpulong na lamang ang staff niya at staff ni Sen. Madrigal, kasama ang mga lider ng UP Widem, “para matingnan kung ano ang maaaring ipasok sa committee report” na mula sa panig ng alyansa.

Disyembre 18, 2007: Ayon naman kay G. Marco Dominic delos Reyes, staff ni Sen. Madrigal, dating Student Regent ng UP at dating tagapangulo ng University Student Council ng UP Diliman, naging abala ang mga staff nina Sen. Pangilinan at Sen. Madrigal sa pagbubuo ng mga panukalang mapagkakasunduan ng UP Widem at ng UP Admin. Pinayuhan ni Sen. Manny Villar, presidente ng Senado, sina Sen. Pangilinan at Sen. Madrigal na isama sa talakayan sina Pres. Roman at ang grupo nito. Dahil dito, nagkusa si Sen. Madrigal na lapitan ang grupo nina Pres. Roman na nasa gallery.

Sumama si G. Delos Reyes kay Sen. Madrigal. Hindi maganda ang nangyari. Ayon kay G. Delos Reyes, “Nag-asam kami ng mapagkaibigang talakayan, pero ang napala namin ay abusong pasalita at mga insulto sa aking pagkatao.” Sabi pa niya, “Babati pa lamang ako kay Pres. Roman nang bigla niya akong dinuro, malakas at paulit-ulit niyang sinabing ako raw ay gumagawa ng ‘pagkakamali (disservice) sa Unibersidad’.” Sabi niya, “Kahit karaniwang estudyante, hindi karapat-dapat sa ganoong pambabastos… Hindi katanggap-tanggap ang arogansiya [ni Pres. Roman] sa kahit anong pamantayan.”

Sa pahayag ng UP Widem hinggil sa nangyari, idinagdag nitong sinabi ni Pres. Roman na “kinakatawan lamang ni Delos Reyes ang minoryang opinyon” sa UP. Ayon pa rito, “Dahil sa ganitong asta ni Pres. Roman sa miyembro ng kanyang staff ay pinuna ni Sen. Madrigal ang napansin niyang ‘arogansiya’ nina Pres. Roman at iba pang opisyales ng UP… Kinuwestiyon niya ang pag-ako nina Pres. Roman at ng kanyang mga opisyal ng eksklusibong karapatang katawanin ang sentimiyento” ng UP. Sa bahaging ito, “malakas na pinalakpakan” si Sen. Madrigal ng maraming kasapi ng UP Widem na nasa Senado.

Ang masama pa, agad na tinangka ng mga propagandista ng UP Admin na baligtarin ang kuwento. Sa liham niya kung saan humihingi siya ng paumanhin, inilahad ni G. Delos Reyes ang ganitong text message: “Nagkaroon ng mainit na pakikipagtalo sina PERR at VP Leonen kay Jamby Madrigal na nagdala ng grupo ng mga miyembro ng unyon at mga estudyante kay Pres. Roman at naggiit na makipagdebate siya sa kanila tungkol sa UP Charter. Pagkatapos, pumunta siya sa mikropono at ininsulto si PERR at mga opisyal ng unibersidad bilang arogante at tutol sa transparency… Pakipasa.”

Disyembre 19, 2007: Ayon kay Prop. Taguiwalo, naipasa sa Senado ang panukalang batas na ang kalakhan ay kay Sen. Pangilinan, bukod sa ilang susog ni Sen. Madrigal: (1) Isang termino lang ang presidente ng UP, (2) Ihahalal ang Faculty Regent ng lahat ng nagtuturo nang full-time, may tenure o wala (3) Inilagay ang “demokratikong pamamahala” sa mga layunin, (4) Pagpabor sa mga valedictorian at salutatorian ng pampublikong mga hayskul, (5) Pagbuo ng oversight committee para bantayan ang komersiyalisasyon ng UP, at (6) Pagkakaroon ng implementing rules and regulations.

Sa kanyang ulat, inilantad ni Prop. Taguiwalo ang kawalang-aksiyon ng mga natawag na “oposisyunista” na sina Sen. Chiz Escudero at Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano. Pinapurihan niya si Sen. Madrigal dahil “tumaya” ito para ipaglaban ang mga panukala ng UP Widem. Pero, aniya, “ang mahalagang mahalagang salik sa pagpapatuloy ng laban ay ang hindi natin pagpapabaya” – at inilitanya niya ang pagsisikap ng iba’t ibang sektor ng UP na dumalo sa Senado sa mahalagang mga araw na iyon. Tinurol niyang susunod na puntirya ng pagkilos ang bicameral conference committee meeting sa Enero 2008.

La Gloria's Skullduggery

October 26, 2007

PerryScope

by: Perry Diaz

The recent bombing in Glorietta 2, Makati last October 19 has unleashed another shock wave across the country. The bombing killed 11 people and injured more than 120. According to police sources, traces of C4 plastic explosives were found at the site. What is odd is that no terrorist organization claimed the bombing. What is odder is that a lot of people are now pointing their fingers at the Arroyo administration for the bombing. And what is intriguing is that it happened following the bribery scandal and the filing of impeachment against President Arroyo in the House of Representatives.

The bribery scandal came to light when Gov. Fr. Ed Panlilio of Pampanga, in a press conference, claimed that he received P500,000 during a Malacanang meeting hosted by President Arroyo for governors. Three other governors also claimed that they received money from presidential aides. On the same day, Arroyo also hosted a separate breakfast meeting for some 190 congressmen and women. Manila Congressman Bienvenido Abante, a preacher, who attended the breakfast, echoed the claim of Gov. Fr. Panlilio -- he too received P500,000 from a presidential aide.

It is interesting to note that Arroyo was not around when the "pampadulas" (grease money) were distributed by her aides. Nobody would really expect her to be present during the distribution, after all she would not dirty her hands with "grease." In my opinion, the reason for the bribery was to derail the impeachment petition which is now in Congress. If it is defeated, Arroyo would be immune for one year from another impeachment attempt.

So it is not surprising that President Arroyo invited -- "summoned" was the word used by another journalist --the governors and members of Congress to Malacanang. Assuming that all of the 190 members of Congress who were greased would reject the impeachment petition, their number is more than enough to defeat the impeachment petition. But instead of fixing a potential problem, it backfired and created a bigger problem -- a bribery scandal -- that could ignite another people power revolt and force Arroyo to resign.

Just hours before the Glorietta blast, several Catholic bishops called for her resignation and cited "moral bankruptcy" of the government. In addition, Speaker De Venecia urged Arroyo to lead a "moral revolution" and eradicate corruption in the government. But does she have the moral right to lead a "moral revolution" when members of her own family were implicated to a multitude of corruption scandals?

It would not then be surprising if Arroyo would play her last ace to pre-empt any attempt to dislodge her. There were rumors that the Glorietta explosion may have been the handiwork of people associated with Arroyo. If so, could it be a diversionary tactic --the tail wagging the dog -- to buttress her shaky position? Or could it be the precursor to a martial law? Interestingly, with the enactment of the Human Security Act, Arroyo has immense power at her disposal.

We need to remember that La Gloria is a master -- nay, a grand master -- of skullduggery. Remember the "Hello Garci" election cheating scandal two years ago? On the brink of total collapse, she promised former President Fidel V. Ramos, who came to her rescue, that she would support a Charter change to a parliamentary system and would step down when it is approved. Speaker De Venecia, a strong advocate for parliamentary system also came out to her defense. As a result, her political life was given a respite.

But as soon as she consolidated her power, she reneged. However, she did call for a Charter change but on her own terms: political power beyond 2010. She was able to get enough signatures for a people's initiative in support of the custom-made- for-Arroyo Charter change. She could have gotten it her way had the Supreme Court not reject the flawed people's initiative.

Was it then an accident that Arroyo's Charter change proposal coincided with the bribery scandal? What is baffling is her timetable for the proposed Charter change. She calls it the "roadmap to federalism by 2012." The question is: why 2012? What will happen between 2010 and 2012? Is she going to hold on to the presidency until 2012? And then what? As Rep. Satur Ocampo said, "the bribery scandal is linked to the President's move to revive Cha-cha… she is literally buying her way beyond 2010, again on board her Cha-cha train."

It is interesting to note that she has chosen a federal system of government for her Cha-cha revival. Federalism is very popular in Mindanao -- particularly Muslim Mindanao -- and in the Visayas where a lot of Visayans resented the "Imperial Manila" central government. By gaining the loyalty of Mindanao and the Visayas, Arroyo could become the first President or Prime Minister of a federal government. As a matter of fact, during the 2004 elections, she did well in Mindanao and the Visayas. In the 2007 mid-term elections, she proved her strength in Mindanao and the Visayas including the populous Cebu. Does it surprise anyone that after winning the 2004 election, she had her inauguration in Cebu?

As a politician once said, "In politics, nothing happens by accident." It then becomes apparent that Arroyo could have been working on a scenario that would perpetuate her in power beyond 2010. Today, there in nothing on earth that could stop her; however, things could change tomorrow.

The Associated Press reported that "military elements were angry over the scandals rocking the Arroyo administration while troops were laying down their lives battling Abu Sayyaf bandits down south in Basilan and armed forces chief Esperon admitting 'there was no money for the increase in battle pay recently promised by President Arroyo'." Recently, the Commandant of the Marines, Major General Ben Dolorfino, said that the corruption scandals were affecting his troops and warned that another coup attempt could ignite a civil war. Clearly, these are red flags that signals potential trouble for Arroyo.

Arroyo should know that the loyalty of the military is paramount to her political survival. After all, had the military top brass in 2001 not abandon then President Joseph Estrada, Arroyo would still be a low-keyed Vice President assigned to ribbon-cutting ceremonies around the country. If there is one thing that would give her a nightmare is the thought of Gen. Hermogenes Esperon, Gen. Dolorfino, Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV, Sen. Gregorio Honasan, and Gen. Danilo Lim banding together.

(PerryDiaz@gmail. com)